By Yosuke Sato
This monograph explores the interface among syntax and its similar parts via in-depth research of a large component to the grammar of Indonesian and Javanese. it may be learn on degrees. Theoretically, it proposes the minimalist interface thesis that syntax-external linguistic interfaces are endowed with domain-specific operations (insertion, deletion, and kind transferring) to legitimize an differently non-convergent results of the syntactic derivation for phonological and semantic interpretation. Empirically, the monograph substantiates this thesis from distinctive analyses of 4 phenomena (reduplication, lively voice morphology, P-stranding lower than sluicing, and nominal denotation). The examine not just encompasses a wealth of latest insights into comparative syntax from the viewpoint of Indonesian and Javanese, but in addition necessitates critical reconsideration of the typical view of the interfaces as only decorative parts of common language grammar. The monograph may still attract syntacticians, linguists drawn to linguistic interfaces and the association of grammar, and researchers on Austronesian languages.
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Additional resources for Minimalist Interfaces: Evidence from Indonesian and Javanese (Linguistik Aktuell Linguistics Today, LA 155)
However, we have seen in Section 3 that reduplication in Indonesian has clearly syntactic outcomes in the form of multiple event readings and discontinuous time-interval reading. This means that reduplication is an inflectional process to be treated in the syntax. Then, the word-internal reduplication pattern illustrated in (6a–c) and (8a–c) should be ungrammatical because the generation of such a pattern requires the application of the syntactic rule to be followed by the application of the lexical rule.
This point also holds true for the analysis of nominal reduplication presented in the next subsection. 2 Nominal reduplication Let us now turn to nominal reduplication. We have seen that derivational nominal suffixes allow both stem and stem-affix reduplication. We have also noted that the choice between the two types of reduplication is not entirely free but rather is governed by the syntactic category of the input stem. This latter point is crucial for the account presented below. Consider again (8a–c) and (9a–c), repeated as (19a–c) and (20a–c), respectively.
The following examples show that the corpus study in Table 1 reflects the grammatical intuition of the actual speaker. Consider the reduplication pattern found in the verbal prefix ber-. Table 1 indicates that this prefix only allows stemreduplication. This result is confirmed by the contrast in acceptability between (6a–c) and (7a–c). (6) Stem Reduplication with the Derivational Verbal Prefix ber- a. belit ‘twist’ → [ber [belit-belit]] ‘meander’ b. cakap ‘talk’ → [ber [cakap-cakap]] ‘chat’ c. jalan ‘walk → [ber [jalan-jalan]] ‘stroll’ (7) Stem-Affix Reduplication with the Derivational Verbal Prefix ber- a.