By Cornelius Castoriadis
This posthumous selection of interviews and coffee papers given by way of Castoriadis among 1974 and 1997 is a full of life, direct creation to the taking into account a author who by no means deserted his notably serious stance. It presents a transparent, convenient rsum of his political rules, earlier than their occasions and profoundly proper to state-of-the-art world.For this political philosopher and longtime militant (co-founder with Claude Lefort of the innovative crew Socialisme ou Barbarie), economist, psychoanalyst, and thinker, never-ending interrogations-how to appreciate the area and existence in society-were intertwined together with his personal existence and combats.An vital bankruptcy discusses the historical past of Socialisme ou Barbarie(1949-1967); in it, Castoriadis offers the perspectives he defended, in that team, on a few topics: a critique of Marxism and of the Soviet Union, the bureaucratization of society and of the staff' flow, and the primacy of person and collective autonomy. one other bankruptcy offers the idea that, imperative to his considering, of imaginary significationsas what make a society cohere.Castoriadis always returns to the query of democracy because the never-finished, planned production by way of the folks of societal associations, interpreting its previous and its destiny within the Western global. He scathingly criticizes representativedemocracy and develops a notion of direct democracy extending to all spheres of social lifestyles. He wonders in regards to the possibilities of attaining freedom and autonomy-those necessities of actual democracy-in an international of unending, meaningless accumulation of fabric items, the place the mechanisms for governing society have disintegrated, the connection with nature is diminished to 1 of harmful domination, and, principally, the inhabitants has withdrawn from the general public sphere: a global ruled via spare time activities and lobbies-a society adrift.
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Additional info for A Society Adrift: Interviews and Debates, 1974-1997
There will be nothing else for the ten or ﬁfteen original participants to do but steal out, while the others rightly accuse them of having Why I Am No Longer a Marxist 23 deluded them by claiming that their group was ‘‘open,’’ and go meet elsewhere, in a ‘‘closed’’ room. There’s no way of evacuating the problems involved here using petty, negative recipes. If some revolutionaries want to work together, that means that for as long as they agree to some extent, they are ready to take on a number of tasks together, collectively.
The point was that those countries’ regimes were structurally more like the Russian regime with every day that passed, that the CPs, solidly in power, were putting their men everywhere and creating a new apparatus for managing production and society, around which a new dominant social stratum of exploiters was rapidly crystallizing, and that this process not only was not incompatible with ‘‘nationalization’’ and ‘‘planning’’ but achieved its perfectly adequate form therein. Moreover, what could it mean to have a United Front between a Stalinist party in power, disposing of an army, a budget and a State, and a few dozen Trotskyists in Paris?
Then all of a sudden—say, after May ’68—about a hundred people show up at their meeting, never mind who they are in fact, and they ask, ‘‘Is the meeting open? ’’ Shouting in the room, ‘‘What’s going on here? Who’s that fathead bureaucrat? ’’ ‘‘Why must there be a table of contents? ’’ There will be nothing else for the ten or ﬁfteen original participants to do but steal out, while the others rightly accuse them of having Why I Am No Longer a Marxist 23 deluded them by claiming that their group was ‘‘open,’’ and go meet elsewhere, in a ‘‘closed’’ room.